One Woman’s Crusade to Help Educate Female Prisoners About Drug Addiction

Deborah Jiang-Stein is helping incarcerated women prepare for life after prison.

Deborah Jiang-Stein found inspiration for the unPrison Project in a pair of reading glasses. Jiang-Stein, the founder and CEO of the organization, which teaches literacy, mentoring and life skills for women and girls in prisons, was born in prison to a heroin-addicted mother. She struggled with addiction and brushes with the law, before turning those struggles into a career as a writer and motivational speaker in women’s correctional facilities, sharing her story to inspire other incarcerated women and bring books into prisons. However, there were a few basic but critical barriers to achieving that goal.

As she explained in a phone interview, in multiple facilities, “I saw a pair of glasses being shared. In every prison, there would be a couple pairs of glasses that were shared.” She also learned that the average reading level in these facilities was fourth grade. How could they read the books she brough them if they were blocked from reading, for both structural and logistical reasons? After all, she continued, “if we’re advocating employment and success on the outside, reading is just the basic right in the world, let alone this country.”

So Jiang-Stein secured donors who provided 10,000 pairs of reading glasses, and brand-new children’s books for distribution in visiting rooms around the country. These efforts helped start the unPrison Project, which helps cultivate tools for a successful life after incarceration. She also wrote a memoir of her life experiences titled Prison Baby. 

She chose to focus specifically on women in prison, she says, because she believes any issue related to the “incarceration of women gets ignored. The number [of incarcerated women] has spiked 800 percent in recent decades, and it’s twice that of men. It’s a huge increase, and many—in fact, the majority—would benefit from services in the community like mental health resources, drug treatment instead of incarceration.”

The brief curriculum she developed begins with her own story, and includes advice on drug treatment, career counseling, mental health services, literacy, how to manage time behind bars, and how to build a life on the outside to ensure the women don’t return. Jiang-Stein travels to facilities all over the country speaking to both large and small groups. She tells them she knows “what it takes to survive out here… because I’m also in recovery, I know that it can be easy to face a disappointment and then be motivated to use again instead of trying to solve the problem.”

Her personal experiences—she spent the first year of her life in prison, later became addicted to drugs and has been clean and sober for 20 years—helps boost her credibility with the women she works with. 

After all, she explained, “my birth mother was a woman exactly like the women that I meet. She was a heroin addict, in and out of facilities since she was around the age of 13… I was an actively using addict, I know what that lifestyle is, so part of the reason I do this is… I could have been sitting in those chairs in prison with a life sentence.” She continued, “I have the story that is sadly not so unique, but I’m an adult coming in as a peer, showing what the other side can look like by using the tools that I’m talking about. Being in recovery, learning to forgive, I value education, I continue to read and be curious and engage myself in a bigger world.” 

While the organization doesn’t yet track former participants or their activities after prison (some may be in for very long or life sentences), the feedback has generally been positive. Cynthia Wallace, the program manager at the Dr. Jerome McNeil Detention Center of Dallas County Juvenile Department, agreed. She brought Deborah Jiang-Stein to the youth detention center, as she explained in a letter to donors that she shared with AlterNet: “The girls were engaged and asked great questions [like] ‘how did you begin healing, when did you forgive yourself, how did you find happiness, are you still afraid?’” 

While Jiang-Stein and her small staff at the unPrison Project would like more opportunities to develop longer-term relationships with individual systems or facilities, she says, “If I go to one place two or three times then I’m not going to another place. And they’re close to 30 states now that have asked me in, and I’ve been in quite a few already.”

This year, she may finally get the opportunity to do both. The unPrison Project was nominated for a 2017 L’Oreal Women of Worth Award, to honor women who give back to their communities. While Jiang-Stein didn’t ultimately win the award, as a finalist, she and the unPrison Project won $10,000, great publicity and the chance to network with other changemakers. 

Going forward, the unPrison Project is in the midst of strategic planning for the next few years, adding staff, volunteers and board members, developing an infrastructure that will help reach more prisoners, not only in the U.S. but also internationally. Jiang-Stein has had interest from Kenya, Zimbabwe and Ghana. 

 Learn more about the unPrison Project.

 

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Robert Mueller Has the Trump Team Panicked, No Matter What the President Says

The special prosecutor has reportedly obtained thousands of campaign emails.

Donald Trump responded to questions on Sunday saying he had no intention to fire Special Counsel Robert Mueller. But while Trump was making this statement, both his team inside and outside the White House and Republicans in Congress continued to beat the drums for Mueller’s dismissal.

The president’s comments came a day after a lawyer representing Trump’s transition team accused Mueller of wrongfully obtaining thousands of emails sent and received by Trump officials before the start of his administration — a legal and public relations maneuver seen as possibly laying the groundwork to oust the special counsel.

The revelation that Mueller has obtained a large number of emails issued during the transition period had clearly sent Trump’s team scrambling. It’s not just that Mueller had this material now, but that he seems to have obtained it weeks ago, meaning that recent questioning of everyone from Jared Kushner to Hope Hicks may have been responding to questions for which Mueller already had the answers in hand. Considering that half the people Mueller has already indicted were convicted for lying, that has to have everyone in the White House carefully reviewing their time with the special counsel.

The Republican play on Mueller’s acquisition of the emails is that it is “illegal”—a charge made without bothering to state just what law might have been broken. On Sunday, Trump joined in the vague grumbling.

Trump criticized Mueller for gaining access to those emails, telling reporters the situation was “not looking good.”

But the letter from Trump’s lawyer and additional charges of partisanship by Mueller’s team, was enough to generate a rare statement from Mueller’s spokesman, Peter Carr.

“When we have obtained emails in the course of our ongoing criminal investigation, we have secured either the account owner’s consent or appropriate criminal process.”

Mueller’s gathering up the transition emails is giving Donald Trump a sad.

“It’s quite sad to see that,” Trump said. “My people were very upset about it.”

The potential for additional indictments over lying under oath gives Mueller even more leverage in his efforts to collect testimony directly concerning Trump … but Trump is maintaining an attitude of reduced concern.

Trump has spent much of his first year in office so enraged by the federal investigation into Russian meddling in last year’s election that lawmakers who work with him tried to avoid the issue entirely and his friends worried that Trump might rashly fire the special counsel. But in recent weeks, Trump has privately seemed less frustrated about the investigation, according to multiple sources who have spoken with the President.

Trump has been telling people that he expects to soon be cleared “in writing,” and keeps insisting that Mueller’s investigation will soon be over.

“The President’s mantra is ‘All this Russia stuff, it’s all going to wrap up soon.’ He repeats it as fact,” said one source who speaks to Trump. “Part of me is like — ‘Are you serious? You believe this?'”

But there’s no indication that the special counsel is running out of either witnesses or information. Just eight months in, Mueller’s investigation is a less than a quarter of the length of the average special counsel or special prosecutor investigation, and less than a tenth of investigations like Iran/Contra or Whitewater. It could easily proceed through the length of Trump’s time in office—whether or not that time is shortened.

For the investigation to end anytime soon, as Trump indicates, it will likely be because Trump and the Republicans step in to halt the process before it can complete. But while others are working to tear down Mueller’s reputation and attack the integrity of the investigation, Trump himself seems to be spending time in fantasyland.

Three sources familiar with the President’s recent conversations about the investigation said Trump has become convinced that he will receive a letter of exoneration, which would be unusual. One source worried Trump would have a “meltdown” if that doesn’t happen.

Maybe he expects that letter to come with the signature of Jefferson Sessions. Or new special counsel Sean Hannity. And maybe they’ll also give him a gold star.

 

 

 

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A walking tour of JavaBean

Software components are to software what integrated circuits (ICs) are to electronics: “black boxes” that encapsulate functionality and provide services based on a specification. Software reusability has long been a holy grail of software engineering and a major goal of object-oriented programming. Software components are designed to be reusable, even interchangeable.
JavaBeans are reusable software components for Java that can be manipulated visually in a builder tool.Practically, they are classes written in the Java programming language conforming to a particular convention. They are used to encapsulate many objects into a single object (the bean), so that the bean can be passed around rather than the individual objects.

Java Bean

A Java Bean is a java class that should follow following conventions:

  • It should have a no-arg constructor.
  • It should be Serializable.
  • It should provide methods to set and get the values of the properties, known as getter and setter methods.

Serialization

In computer science, in the context of data storage, serialization is the process of translating data structures or object state into a format that can be stored (for example, in a file or memory buffer) or transmitted (for example, across a network connection link) and reconstructed later (possibly in a different computer environment)

Serializable Objects

To serialize an object means to convert its state to a byte stream so that the byte stream can be reverted back into a copy of the object. A Java object is serializable if its class or any of its superclasses implements either the java.io.Serializable interface or its subinterface, java.io.Externalizable. Deserialization is the process of converting the serialized form of an object back into a copy of the object.

Why use Java Bean?

According to Java white paper, it is a reusable software component. A bean encapsulates many objects into one object, so we can access this object from multiple places. Moreover, it provides the easy maintenance.

JavaBeans Properties

A JavaBean property is a named attribute that can be accessed by the user of the object. The attribute can be of any Java data type, including the classes that you define.

A JavaBean property may be read, write, read only, or write only. JavaBean properties are accessed through two methods in the JavaBean’s implementation class −

S.No. Method & Description
1
getPropertyName()
For example, if property name is firstName, your method name would be getFirstName() to read that property. This method is called accessor.
2
setPropertyName()
For example, if property name is firstName, your method name would be setFirstName() to write that property. This method is called mutator.
A read-only attribute will have only a getPropertyName() method, and a write-only attribute will have only a setPropertyName() method.

JavaBeans Example

Consider a student class with few properties −

package com.SuvenConsultants;

public class StudentsBean implements java.io.Serializable {
private String firstName = null;
private String lastName = null;
private int age = 0;

public StudentsBean() {
}
public String getFirstName(){
return firstName;
}
public String getLastName(){
return lastName;
}
public int getAge(){
return age;
}
public void setFirstName(String firstName){
this.firstName = firstName;
}
public void setLastName(String lastName){
this.lastName = lastName;
}
public void setAge(Integer age){
this.age = age;
}
}
How to Access Java Bean Class

package com.SuvenConsultants;
public class Suven{
public static void main(
String args[]){

StudentsBean sc=new StudentsBean ();//object is created

sc.seFirsttName("Rocky");//setting value to the object
sc.seLasttName("Jagtiani");
System.out.println(e.
getFirstName());

}}
The useBean action declares a JavaBean for use in a JSP. Once declared, the bean becomes a scripting variable that can be accessed by both scripting elements and other custom tags used in the JSP. The full syntax for the useBean tag is as follows:

<jsp:useBean id = "bean's name" scope = "bean's scope" typeSpec/>


Here values for the scope attribute can be a page, request, session or application based on your requirement. The value of the id attribute may be any value as a long as it is a unique name among other useBean declarations in the same JSP.

Following example shows how to use the useBean action −

<html>
<head>
<title>useBean Example</title>
</head>

<body>
<jsp:useBean id = "date" class = "java.util.Date" />
<p>The date/time is <%= date %>
</body>
</html>

You will receive the following result − −

The date/time is Thu Sep 30 11:18:11 GST 2017 

Accessing JavaBeans Properties

Along with action, you can use the action to access the get methods and the action to access the set methods. Here is the full syntax −

<jsp:useBean id = "id" class = "bean's class" scope = "bean's scope">
<jsp:setProperty name = "bean's id" property = "property name"
value = "value"/>
<jsp:getProperty name = "bean's id" property = "property name"/>
...........
</jsp:useBean>

The name attribute references the id of a JavaBean previously introduced to the JSP by the useBean action. The property attribute is the name of the get or the set methods that should be invoked.
Following example shows how to access the data using the above syntax −

<html>
<head>
<title>get and set properties Example</title>
</head>

<body>
<jsp:useBean id = "students" class = "com.SuvenConsultants.StudentsBean">
<jsp:setProperty name = "students" property = "firstName" value = "Rocky"/>
<jsp:setProperty name = "students" property = "lastName" value = "Jagtiani"/>
<jsp:setProperty name = "students" property = "age" value = "39"/>
</jsp:useBean>

<p>Student First Name:
<jsp:getProperty name = "students" property = "firstName"/>
</p>

<p>Student Last Name:
<jsp:getProperty name = "students" property = "lastName"/>
</p>

<p>Student Age:
<jsp:getProperty name = "students" property = "age"/>
</p>

</body>
</html>

The following result will be displayed −

Student First Name: Rocky

Student Last Name: Jagtiani

Student Age: 39

Benefits of JavaBeans:

  • A Bean obtains all the benefits of Java’s “write-once, run-anywhere” paradigm. 
  •  The properties, events, and methods of a Bean that are exposed to an application builder tool can be controlled. 
  • A Bean may be designed to operate correctly in different locales, which makes it useful in global markets.
  •  Auxiliary software can be provided to help a person configure a Bean. This software is only needed when the design-time parameters for that component are being set. It does not need to be included in the run-time environment.
  •  The configuration settings of a Bean can be saved in persistent storage and restored at a later time. 
  • A Bean may register to receive events from other objects and can generate events that are sent to other objects.

Want To Learn Java?

Understanding Synchronous and Asynchronous JavaScript – paRt_1 : JavaScript – its DiFFereNt

Javascript logo
In JavaScript Synchronous and Asynchronous are very important concepts. Beginners might find them difficult to learn.
When two or more things happen at same time then it is Synchronous and when they don’t that’s Asynchronous. These definitions are easy to understand but it’s complicated than it looks from here. So let’s dig a little deeper. 
You’d probably call a normal function in JavaScript synchronous, right? And if it’s something like setTimeout() or AJAX that you’re working with, you will refer to it as being asynchronous, yes? What if I tell you that both are asynchronous in a way?
Let’s understand with an example. We’ll get help from Mr. K,

Scenario 1:-> Mr. K is trying Synchronicity 

Here’s the setup:
  1. Mr K is someone who can answer tough questions, and carry out any requested task.
  2. The only way to contact him is through a phone call.
  3. Whatever question or task you got, in order to ask Mr K’s help to carry it out; you call him.
  4. Mr K gives you the answer or completes the task right away, and lets you know it’s done.
  5. You put down the receiver feeling content and go out on a date.
What you’ve just carried out was a synchronous (back and forth) communication with Mr K. He listened as you were asking him your question, and you listened when he was answering it.

client calling server

Scenario 2:-> Mr. K isn’t happy with Synchronicity 

Since Mr K is so efficient, he starts receiving many more calls. So what happens when you call him but he’s already busy talking to someone else? You won’t be able to ask him your question – not till he is free to receive your call. All you will hear is a busy tone.

So what can Mr K do to combat this?
Instead of taking calls directly:
  1. Mr K hires a new guy, Mr J and gives him an answering machine for the callers to leave messages.
  2. Mr J’s job is to pass on a message from the answering machine to Mr K once he knows Mr K has completely finished processing all previous messages and is already free to take a new one.
  3. So now when you call him, instead of getting a busy tone, you get to leave a message for Mr K, then wait for him to call you back (no date time yet).
  4. Once Mr K is done with all the queued up messages he received before yours, he will look into your issue, and call you back to give you an answer.
Now here lies the question: were the actions so far synchronous or asynchronous?
It’s mixed. When you left your message, Mr K wasn’t listening in to it, so the forth communication was asynchronous.
But, when he replied, you were there listening, which makes the return communication synchronous.
Until now you must have understand synchronicity in communication. It’s time to bring in JavaScript in the picture.

JavaScript An Asynchronous Language

When someone labels JavaScript asynchronous, what they are referring to in general is how you can leave a message for it, and not have your call blocked with a busy tone.
The function calls are never direct in JavaScript, they’re usually done via messages
JavaScript uses a message queue where incoming messages (or events) are held. An event-loop (a message dispatcher) sequentially dispatches those messages to a call stack where the corresponding functions of the messages are stacked as frames (function arguments & variables) for execution.
The call stack holds the frame of the initial function being called, and any other frames for functions called via nested calls on top of it .

JavaScript Call Stack
JavaScript Call Stack

When a message joins the queue, it waits until the call stack is empty of all frames from the previous message, and when it is, the event-loop de-queues the previous message, and adds the corresponding frames of the current message to the call stack.
The message waits again until the call stack becomes empty of its own corresponding frames (i.e. the executions of all the stacked functions are over), then is de-queued.
Consider the following code:

function foo(){}
function
bar(){
foo();
}
function
baz(){
bar();
}
baz();

The function being run is baz() (at the last row of the code snippet), for which a message is added to the queue, and when the event-loop picks it up, the call stack starts stacking frames for baz(), bar(), and foo() at the relevant points of execution.

Push action in Call Stack

Once the execution of the functions is complete one by one, their frames are removed from the call stack, while the message is still waiting in the queue, until baz() is popped from the stack.

Pop Action in Call Stack


Remember, the function calls are never direct in JavaScript, they’re done via messages. So whenever you hear someone say that JavaScript itself is an asynchronous programming language, assume that they are talking about its built-in “answering machine”, and how you’re free to leave messages.

But what about the specific asynchronous methods?

So far I’ve not touched on APIs such as setTimeout() and AJAX, those are the ones that are specifically referred to as asynchronous. Why is that?
It’s important to understand what exactly is being synchronous or asynchronous. JavaScript, with the help of events and the event-loop, may practice asynchronous processing of messages, but that doesn’t mean everything in JavaScript is asynchronous.
Remember, I told you the message didn’t leave until the call stack was empty of its corresponding frames, just like you didn’t leave on a date until you got your answer — that’s being synchronous, you are there waiting until the task is complete, and you get the answer.
Waiting isn’t ideal in all scenarios. What if after leaving a message, instead of waiting, you can leave on the date? What if a function can retire (emptying the call stack), and its message can be de-queued even before the task of the function is complete? What if you can have code executed asynchronously?
This is where APIs such as setTimeout() and AJAX come into the picture, and what they do is… hold on, I can’t explain this without going back to Mr K, which we’ll see in the second part of this article. Stay tuned…

Now is the Time to Learn Functional Programming !


What is Functional Programming?

Functional programming (often abbreviated FP) is the process of building software by composing pure functions, avoiding shared state, mutable data, and side-effects. Functional programming is declarative rather than imperative, and application state flows through pure functions. Contrast with object oriented programming, where application state is usually shared and collocated with methods in objects. It is a declarative programming paradigm, which means programming is done with expressions. In functional code, the output value of a function depends only on the arguments that are input to the function, so calling a function f twice with the same value for an argument x will produce the same result f(x) each time.
Functional code tends to be more concise, more predictable, and easier to test than imperative or object oriented code but if you’re unfamiliar with it and the common patterns associated with it, functional code can also seem a lot more dense, and the related literature can be impenetrable to newcomers. Some of the popular functional programming languages include: Lisp, Python, Erlang, Haskell, Clojure, Java etc.

Functional programming languages are categorized into two groups, i.e. 
Pure Functional Languages:- These types of functional languages support only the functional paradigms. For example − Haskell.
Impure Functional Languages:-  These types of functional languages support the functional paradigms and imperative style programming. For example − LISP.

Functional Programming Characteristics:

  • Function Closure Support
  • Higher-order functions
  • Use of recursion as a mechanism for flow control
  • No side-effects
  • A focus on what is to be computed rather then how to compute it
  • Referential transparency

Functional Programming Features:

First-Class Functions:- It means that you can store functions into a variable. i.e.

var add = function(a, b){
return a + b
}

High-Order Functions:- It means that functions can return functions or receive other functions as parameters. i.e.

var add = function(a){
return function(b){
return a + b
}
}

var add2 = add(2)
add2(3) // => 5

Pure Functions:- Pure Functions mean that the function doesn’t change any value, it just receives data and output data, just like our beloved functions from Mathematics. That also means that if you’d pass 2 for a function f and it returns 10, it’ll always return 10. Doesn’t it matter the environment, threads, or any evaluation order. They don’t cause any side-effects in other parts of the program and it’s a really powerful concept.

Closures:- Closures mean that you can save some data inside a function that’s only accessible to a specific returning function, i.e the returning function keeps its execution environment.

var add = function(a){
return function(b){
return a + b
}
}

var add2 = add(2)
add2(3) // => 5

Immutable State:- Immutable State means that you can’t change any state at all (even though you can get a new state).

Advantage of Functional Programming

  • Easier to write parallel code. The reason is immutable data structures.
  • More powerful expressions making the code more terse. Monoids, functors, lambdas to name a few.
  • Extensive type checking and a very powerful type system (in typed ones).
  • Homoiconicity in languages like LISP, which makes writing DSLs extremely easy.

Functional Programming v/s Object Oriented Programming

Functional Programming OOP
Uses Immutable data. Uses Mutable data.
Follows Declarative Programming Model. Follows Imperative Programming Model.
Supports Parallel Programming Not suitable for Parallel Programming
Its functions have no-side effects Its methods can produce serious side effects.
Flow Control is done using function calls & function calls with recursion Flow control is done using loops and conditional statements.
Execution order of statements is not so important. Execution order of statements is very important.

Functional Programming in Python

Python is not a functional programming language, but it is a multi-paradigm language that makes functional programming easy to perform, and easy to mix with other programming styles. Lets see the example of calculating total sum of values in a list. In this example we are using an imperative style function.
Calculating total sum of values using normal method

def sum_lst(lst):
total = 0
for number in lst:
total += number
return total

As we can see, our function has only one variable called total that is updated on every iteration. This is clearly a case of a mutable variable.

Now lets try a functional approach:

def sum_lst(lst):
if not lst:
return 0
else:
return lst[0] + sum_lst(lst[1:]) # values are returned but no variable is changed

This time we are not updating any variables and are using recursion, which is the functional programming way of doing loops.

Want to learn Python & Django

Mobile games growing up

The #1 on the iOS app charts this week is Fortnite, despite the fact that the game only runs if you got an invite from Epic. The pull is that except for the control scheme the game is equivalent to the PC / console version. Likewise Civilization VI exists in a mobile version equivalent to the PC game, and Final Fantasy XV on mobile is also rather close to the console version. Meanwhile PC and console games are getting closer to mobile standards regarding their business models, if you consider lootboxes.

There appears to be a huge demand to play AAA games on the go. It is one of the explanations frequently cited to explain the huge success of the Nintendo Switch console, in spite of obvious battery life problems of the concept. But the Nintendo Switch as a mobile device at least still has the same JoyCon controllers, which works a lot better than just a touch screen for some games. I wouldn’t be surprised if we would see alternative controllers that can be connected to Android and iOS mobile gaming platforms in the future.

There are still some issues to resolve on the way. Civilization VI is $60 on Steam, but there are various deals to get it much cheaper; I personally paid $12 as part of a Humble Bundle Monthly. On iOS Civilization VI costs $65, and the best deal ever was the introductory half price. With the PC version having more options in the form of DLC, as well as user-made mods from the Steam Workshop, paying more for the somewhat less mobile version doesn’t look attractive. Final Fantasy XV is better, the Steam version costs $50, while the “pocket” mobile version is $20, and you can try for free or just buy some of the chapters if you want. As much as people might like the idea of mobile AAA games, the full price of a console game is very high compared to the usual price level of mobile games.

However the main attraction of high-priced AAA games is that they tend to be “pay once, play forever”. Some companies believe that when porting games to a mobile platform, they should rather use the business models of mobile games, sometimes to a rather exploitative extent. The Sims Mobile is only playable in short bursts, until you run out of energy; then you either need to wait for hours for the energy to restore itself, or spend real money to advance with prices that make the highly expensive The Sims DLC look cheap (The Sims 4 isn’t on Steam. The Sims 3 from 2009 is, and still has $550 worth of DLCs listed.)

Part of the reason that mobile platforms are catching up to the PC is that the period of fast development of PC graphics appears to be over. My 3-year old graphics card (Geforce GTX 970) in my 4-year old computer is still playing every game at good frame rates. I used to have to change PCs every 2 years to keep up. And as Final Fantasy XV pocket edition shows, you can downgrade graphics for mobile platforms and customers won’t care all that much, as long as the gameplay is good.

In summary, I do believe that there is a trend towards more AAA games on mobile platforms. And as long as that happens at reasonable prices, I’m all for it.

‘All Eyes on U.S.’ as Honduran Election Panel Declares Incumbent President Hernández Election Winner

The commission made the announcement while opposition candidate Salvador Nasralla was traveling to the United States to present evidence of election fraud.

In Honduras, the government-controlled electoral commission on Sunday declared U.S.-backed incumbent President Juan Orlando Hernández as the official winner of the contested November 26 presidential election. The commission made the announcement while opposition candidate Salvador Nasralla was on a plane traveling to the United States to present evidence of election fraud. The opposition party has called for nationwide protests on Monday, while the Organization of American States has called for a new election. We speak with award-winning independent journalist Allan Nairn, and Rodolfo Pastor, the spokesperson for the Alliance Against the Dictatorship. We also speak with Dana Frank, professor of history at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show with the escalating political crisis in Honduras. On Sunday night, the government-controlled electoral commission declared the U.S.-backed incumbent President Juan Orlando Hernández as the official winner of the contested November 26 presidential election. The commission made the announcement while opposition candidate Salvador Nasralla was on a plane traveling to the United States to present evidence of election fraud to the OASand State Department. The opposition party is now calling for nationwide protests, and the Organization of American States has called for a new election. This is Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga, head of the electoral observer mission of the OAS.

JORGE ”TUTO” QUIROGA: [translated] The electoral observer mission considered that it has observed a process of low electoral quality, and therefore cannot settle the doubts over what has been announced today. The mission regrets, once again, the incidents of violence that have occurred in the elections, in different phases of the electoral process, and calls once again for all actors to stay calm and act responsibly.

AMY GOODMAN: Protests erupted after the November 26 election, when the government-controlled electoral commission stopped tallying votes once the count showed opposition candidate Nasralla ahead. After a few days, the electoral commission then claimed Hernández was ahead. Human rights groups say as many as 22 people have been killed and more than 1,200 detained in the nationwide protests since.

Well, for more, we’re joined in Tegucigalpa by award-winning independent journalist Allan Nairn, as well as by Rodolfo Pastor, the spokesperson for the Alliance Against the Dictatorship, the opposition party represented by Salvador Nasralla. And in Washington, D.C., Dana Frank is with us, professor of history at University of California, Santa Cruz.

Let’s begin with Rodolfo Pastor in Tegucigalpa. Rodolfo Pastor, you’re spokesperson for the opposition party that is led by Salvador Nasralla, who was in a plane, headed to Washington, when the government-controlled electoral commission announced that the incumbent President Hernández has won. What is your response? And what’s happening in the streets right now?

RODOLFO PASTOR: Well, what’s happened since last night—it’s early morning here in Honduras—is, obviously, the announcement by the tribunal, a very unilateral announcement. Only the president of the tribunal was on camera, which is very, very atypical, since it’s a collegiate body and there is three magistrates for the tribunal, and yet it was the president of the tribunal, who is more directly linked to Juan Orlando Hernández, who was to make an announcement, which was also atypical since it was not an official announcement. It was basically him communicating the final results of the count, and yet it was not the tribunal coming out and saying Juan Orlando Hernández had been elected president of Honduras.

What happened since then is, of course, the alliance has rejected this declaration. We do not consider the tribunal, by now, to be a legitimate institution here in Honduras. It has been that way for a while. We have questioned the credibility of the tribunal, the capacity of the tribunal to provide credible results, since before the elections. And, of course, by now, more than three weeks since the elections, we are very concerned that the tribunal has played a very, very important role in manipulating the results. And this is something that the OAS has also come out and spoken about in its report. The alliance has rejected the results and has called for the population to stay on the streets, to keep mobilizing, since this is our way of putting pressure on the regime so that they can actually rectify.

Since the announcement by the tribunal and then the statements made by the OAScalling for a new election, what we’ve heard here in Honduras is, basically, Juan Orlando Hernández moving forward, saying, “Well, I am now the winner.” All the front pages this morning on all the major newspapers call him the new president of Honduras for the next four years. They barely mention the fact that the OAS came out with a very, very strong statement questioning the tribunal, questioning the process and calling for new elections.

AMY GOODMAN: Allan Nairn, you’ve been covering the events in Tegucigalpa through this election. Can you talk about Nasralla , where he was when this announcement was made? You saw him getting on the plane in Tegucigalpa?

ALLAN NAIRN: Yeah, I spoke to him as he was boarding. And he didn’t—he clearly didn’t expect this. He was on the way to Washington to plead his case. One thing that shocked many people here was that President Hernández made this announcement not only while Nasralla was on the plane, but one day after Hernández’s own sister was killed in a helicopter crash. But he seized the moment to spring his proclamation of victory.

The declaration by the secretary-general of the OAS, Luis Almagro, was remarkable, because the OAS is historically a policy tool of the United States, and he is clearly bucking the will of the United States, which has been backing Hernández throughout this process. Hernández is close to General Kelly in the White House. I think this took some courage on the secretary-general’s part, because during the recent weeks I’ve been talking to some former Latin American heads of state who have been—who have made it clear that the OAS has been hesitant about going against the U.S. on this.

But now the secretary-general has issued a very strong statement, making it clear that the computers—the computer system of the electoral commission was penetrated. It was an invitation to fraud. And the OAS report didn’t even address what seems to be the dominant emerging evidence, which is that much of the fraud was done by simple ballot box stuffing on the local level by the ruling party. And as I previously mentioned on an earlier show, on the 30th of November one of the technicians inside the electoral system sent out a private message, in which he stated, ”El fraude ya se hizo,” “The fraud has now been done.”

This OAS stance by the secretary-general put some pressure on the Honduran government, which has bitterly attacked him now, saying he’s inciting violence. But, more importantly, it may make it difficult for the White House, which will have a hard time explaining, in any rational way, why it would now back Hernández as the OAS is calling for new elections.

AMY GOODMAN: And can you talk about the role of Heidi Fulton, the chargé d’affaires, who, as in many countries around the world, President Trump has not appointed ambassadors, and so she plays that role? The significance of Nasralla being on a plane to the U.S., what he was planning to do at the State Department and the OAS? And her role in Honduras right now, as she is deeply involved with speaking with both sides?

ALLAN NAIRN: Well, just a few days earlier, she had appeared alongside the head of the electoral tribunal, a de facto endorsement to the partial, not clean recount they were doing. And she was widely denounced for that. It’s clear that behind the scenes she’s been working on behalf of Hernández.

And the U.S. has not denounced the killings by the security forces. Last night, I went out on the streets as people were taking to the streets, burning tires. And the dominant force I ran into were the military police, which is the most repressive and notorious element of the armed forces. They’re the ones most closely and personally linked to President Hernández. They were carrying live ammunition. They told me they had orders to open fire on demonstrators if they gave them any trouble. And although the Pentagon has been claiming in recent years that the U.S. has not been training the military police, a number of those I ran into said they had gotten their training from Fort Benning.

It’s partially necessary for them to use this extremely repressive force now, because two weeks ago the police rebelled and said they would no longer carry out repression. And other elements of the army I’ve been talking to have been saying—you know, rank-and-file troops have been saying that they are reluctant also. I’ve never actually seen, in any other country, a security force that was less ideologically strong and less committed to their own leadership. When you ask them who their families voted for back in the countryside where they come from, very few of them say Hernández. Most of them say their families voted for Nasralla, at least among those I’ve talked to. And they seem—many of them seem to identify more as poor working people, where they come from, as opposed to being members of the institution. And I think the Hernández government and also [inaudible] have to see this. And if the popular resistance is large and persistent enough, this government may have some difficulty holding on, even with U.S. backing.

AMY GOODMAN: And, Dana Frank, a professor at University California, Santa Cruz, you’ve been closely following everything here. You say this election is being stolen.

DANA FRANK: Oh, well, I think we have to say there’s certainly evidence of fraud and a great concern about who controlled those tally sheets, who controlled the computers. I certainly would support what the OAS is saying, which is, we don’t have evidence of a clear election here that could be certified. And there’s a long history of electoral fraud in Honduras going into this. Let’s remember that. And Juan Orlando himself has a long history of subverting the rule of law, overthrowing the Supreme Court. Let’s remember, his election itself is illegal. It’s a criminal act in violation of the constitution, which says you should be—it’s an immediate criminal act to even advocate re-election. So, going into that, let’s remember that.

So, I think that we have to listen to what the opposition is saying, listen to what the OAS is saying, and say we need—they need a new election. There’s way too much water under the bridge in terms of that electoral commission. And it’s the foxes are guarding the chicken coop here and the chicken—the votes from the chickens. And so, I think we really have to listen to what the opposition was saying. And remember that the Honduran people have very few ways of expressing themselves at this point. People say, “Well, why are they going into the streets?” It’s not like they can petition Congress. Juan Orlando Hernández controls all the reins of power—the Supreme Court, the attorney general, the military, most of the police. We don’t really know, as Mr. Nairn was saying, what the position of the military and the police are going to be. This one unit, 400 of the COBRAS, did rebel.

So, you know, I think, just supporting what he was saying, we have to pay attention to what the United States is going to do here. They have such a long history of giving a green light to Juan Orlando’s criminal re-election, of being silent about the repression since the elections, and, outrageously, certifying, two days after the election, as it was already clear that there were major problems with the election—certifying the human rights conditions on aid to Honduras had been met. I mean, that was astonishing. And also on December 10th, which is International Human Rights Day, Heidi Fulton, the acting ambassador, chose to use that to praise the Juan Orlando Hernández’s government for its advances on human rights. So, they’re sending clear signals about who they care about and support, and who they don’t care about and support, and this lack of respect for basic human rights in Honduras. So, all eyes are on the United States right now. Will it respect the OAS? And, you know, there were some suggestions that it was—that the OAS was going to certify this election. And when it hasn’t, I think, what is the United States going to do? The EU has actually come out, last night, supporting the electoral commission, very embarrassingly, and pretty much repeating exactly what the Honduran government said. And the EU has a long history, like the United States, of supporting Juan Orlando’s government.

You know, the other place to look here is the U.S. Congress, which there have been very, very strong voices about the appearance of major fraud. There have been very strong voices condemning the repression, and especially Congresswoman Schakowsky, Congressmember Keith Ellison. There are already 68 members of Congress that have said cut police and military aid. Going into the elections, you know, Senator Leahy, Senator Reed, Senator Merkley and many others in the Senate have expressed concern about potential fraud. They’ve expressed concern about the state security forces. So, we also really want to pay attention to this congressional voice pushing back against the State Department. Remember that Congress controls the purse strings, and U.S. money is funding these state security forces. U.S. money is, you know, of the State Department—it’s the U.S. State Department that has been continuingly celebrating Juan Orlando’s dictatorship as if he was, as John Kelly put it, a great guy and a good friend. I mean, Kelly said that as recently as May, and that’s Trump’s chief of staff.

AMY GOODMAN: Rodolfo Pastor, in Tegucigalpa, you are the opposition spokesperson, the Alliance Against the Dictatorship. Can you explain what Nasralla is doing in Washington and what you’re calling for to happen now in the streets? And explain how broad your coalition is.

RODOLFO PASTOR: Well, the coalition is very broad. What evidently happened here is we realized—different political parties and social movements, we realized that we were dealing with a dictatorship, that this was no longer a normal political process where we were just competing for political power through elections. This man who has come to power during the last eight years, as a result of the 2009 coup, when he became president of Congress first and started packing the courts and different state institutions, has garnered, has concentrated so much power under his executive office that we are no longer dealing with a normal president here in Honduras. And so, we started coming together, throughout the last four years, when he, as president, has been increasingly abusive, authoritarian and repressive.

And we realized that the only way to confront this guy on an election, that he pretty much controls, was by coming together and building this broad coalition, which brings very odd partners to the party. It’s—well, of course, I am a member of LIBRE, and this is a party that was born from the resistance to the coup back in 2009, and it’s a left-of-center party, basically. And the coalition also brings together PINU, which is a small social democrat party, that has been in Congress for a long time but has not played a major role in Honduran politics, and, of course, PAC, led by Mr. Nasralla, which was also a party that is born from the coup, but as a right-of-center party based on an anti-corruption narrative. It’s a party that, by the way, months before the coalition officially came together as the alliance, was dismantled by the tribunal, led by Mr. Matamoros and under Juan Orlando’s direct instruction.

So, we come together, and we start getting social movements from around Honduras coming to us and also saying, “Hey, listen, we want to be part of this, and we need to organize against this, because we know. We know we are going into an electoral process that we have stated, both nationally and internationally, did not meet any basic conditions for it to be free or fair.” And we went into this game knowing that they control the field, that we were clearly against—going against the odds here. But we also knew that the rejection of the Honduran population, as a whole, against—of Juan Orlando, against Juan Orlando, is huge, is huge. And there was absolutely no way that if these elections were in any way clean or transparent, that Juan Orlando was going to be the winner. And that’s currently the position.

And it’s also—it might seem contradictory, but we are not exactly celebrating the fact that the OAS has come out and asked for a new process to be organized, because we won these past elections. We clearly did so, even against a massive fraud and the control that Juan Orlando has of the institutions that organize the elections. The Honduran people came out massively and voted against Juan Orlando and for the alliance. And this is something that we want to make very clear. We need to respect this. We need to respect the fact that the popular will was very clearly expressed, and that since the elections, and since it became so evident that there had been fraud going on before, during and after the elections, there has been significant repression by state police and army forces. And as a result, we have victims of this repression. We have 22 people who have been killed, many others who have been injured.

And as both Dana and the journalist pointed out, you know, this is a critical moment for us, and we are not willing to just accept that Juan Orlando should, by some miracle, agree that we are to hold new elections—in which, of course, he would lose, if they were organized by an objective, impartial tribunal. So, we are very concerned with, number one, the reaction that Juan Orlando might have against what happened last night—of course, he seems to be plowing forward and, you know, basically ignoring what the OAS has said—and, number two, yes, what will the U.S. say about this. Now, Mr. Nasralla is visiting Washington in order to meet with Secretary-General Almagro. He is also to meet with officials at the State Department and—

AMY GOODMAN: Secretary-general of the OAS.

RODOLFO PASTOR: That’s right. That’s right. And what we are—this happened before the announcement was made. We did expect the announcement to be made. We expected it to be made today, Monday, and not Sunday night. And yet it did not come as a surprise to us. And we have been getting ready for this announcement to be made by the tribunal. And we do consider that the OAS report does give—it gives us a certain boost. And I speak on behalf of the Honduran population that has been out in the streets for three weeks now, because we understand that there is a voice of hope out there and that the international community is still paying attention to us.

We were obviously very upset with the position that the European Union representative here came out and stated last night, like Professor Frank stated. And yet, this is not—we must make it clear, this is not the official position of the electoral observation mission that they have here. And I understand that, right now, as we speak, we have Marisa Matias, the president of the commission, speaking from Brussels about this. And I think that they will come out strongly stating that the electoral process was plagued by fraud.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to continue to cover this again tomorrow on Democracy Now! as events unfold, with the opposition leader, who many believe won the election, the Electoral College—the electoral commission shutting down the vote for a period, when it was announced Salvador Nasralla was 5 percentage points ahead. He is in Washington now. Rodolfo Pastor, spokesperson for the opposition party, Alliance Against the Dictatorship; Allan Nairn, in the streets of Tegucigalpa, independent journalist; and Dana Frank, professor at University of California, Santa Cruz, thanks so much for being with us.

When we come back, did Republican lawmakers include a last-minute provision in the tax plan to personally enrich Tennessee Senator Corker in order to secure his support for the tax bill? Stay with us.

 

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Land of Livia

For the last two weeks I have been playing Land of Livia. Overall that took me maybe an hour, which pretty much tells you the most important thing you need to know about the game: It uses real time as a game element. And no, you can’t speed that up with microtransactions, there aren’t any. The prelude chapter is free, and then the first chapter costs just €4.49. But you need to be at ease with the slow flow to enjoy it.

Land of Livia is a role-playing game with not much in the way of graphics. Your main activity is going on quests, which nets you gold and equipment, which increases your three main stats. Your level depends on your highest stat. Each quest has a success chance based on the corresponding stat, and just requires you to wait up to 1 hour in real time. If you choose a quest that is comparatively difficult, your chance to succeed is low, but if you should succeed the reward is comparatively more valuable to you. Apart from going on quests, you can move, spend money listening in taverns to find new locations, or play mini-games to improve gems or discover lore. Overall you follow a main story, but there are side-stories as well, so it isn’t completely linear.

I tried to play this on my iPad, but somehow my typical tablet use wasn’t a good fit with the pace of the game. Then I started playing on my iPhone instead, with a silent notification every time a quest finished, and that worked much better. But of course sometimes I don’t notice, or I am in a situation where I can’t pull out my phone to make a move. So progress is rather slow. Might not be for everybody. However, as the game is free to try, I can only recommend you check it out for yourself.

Deal: Nova Launcher Prime on sale for $0.99 (was $4.99)

Nova Launcher Prime is regarded as one of the best launchers on Android. It’s sitting right now with an average rating of 4.8 out of 5 stars at the Google Play Store, based on hundreds of thousands of reviews, and if you’ve never used it before, now might be the time.

As pointed out on Reddit, Nova Launcher Prime has been reduced from $4.99 to just $0.99 — the same offer it launched this time last year. This is the unlocked version of the free Nova Launcher app, which comes with a slew of extra customization options and advanced features, like notifications badges, gestures, and more.

Editor’s Pick

Nova Launcher allows you to alter many aspects of your Android phones home screen, such as the app drawer, folders, dock, and their aesthetic, and has received a number of Android 8.1 Oreo features lately, including adaptive icons and the custom dock widget.

Nova Launcher sits on our best Android Launchers list and it doesn’t look like it will be moving anytime soon. We don’t know how long this deal will last, but you can find the free and Prime versions of the app in Google Play via the buttons below (note that Google Play says Nova Launcher Prime hasn’t been updated since December 2016 but it will still unlock the latest content found in the regular app).

Download Nova Launcher
Download Nova Launcher Prime

Death of a Legislator: Dan Johnson’s Suicide and the GOP’s Far-Right Drift

Before facing abuse allegations and taking his own life, Kentucky Rep. Dan Johnson was becoming a far-right leader.

While the national press is focused on how the #MeToo movement is affecting Congress, state and city governments have also experienced a surge of women accusing politicians of sexual harassment and abuse. Kentucky has been especially shaken by this, with at least four Republican state legislators and a Democratic city councilman being publicly accused of sexual harassment in the past couple of months.

But the story took a particularly gruesome twist after a fifth statehouse Republican, Kentucky state Rep. Dan Johnson, took his own life last Wednesday. That came shortly after the Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting published a blockbuster exposé of Johnson’s disturbing history, including allegations that he molested a 17-year-old member of his Heart of Fire congregation, where he was a minister.

This entire sordid affair is already being twisted by conservative pundits to discredit the #MeToo movement. Kathleen Parker asks whether Johnson had “a right to some sort of dispassionate hearing,” ignoring the fact that the alleged victim went to the police, to no avail. A deeper look into Johnson’s career, however, suggests a different moral: It illustrates the growing problem of radical fundamentalists quietly infiltrating local state governments.

Roy Moore may have lost his chance to be the U.S. senator from Alabama — if by an agonizingly narrow margin. But dozens of mini-Moores are flourishing in state legislatures, where they are pushing the Republican Party ever further to the right and quietly working to dismantle women’s access to reproductive health care.

While the molestation allegations against Johnson have been the focus, R.G. Dunlop and Jacob Ryan of the Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting also uncovered a dizzying amount of disturbing information about Johnson that should have been disqualifying long before those accusations came to light. The man was a con artist who told lies about his own biography so outrageous they hardly needed fact-checking. He had repeatedly been in trouble with the law for running an illegal bar out of his church, and over several apparent arson incidents. During the 2016 election, he posted racist memes portraying Barack and Michelle Obama as monkeys and won his election over Democrat Linda Belcher anyway.

“I think that led him to believe there were lots of things he could do, yet his folks would still support him,” Marcie Crim, executive director of the Kentucky Health Justice Network, told Salon. 

When his Republicans colleagues came under fire in November for sexual harassment allegations, Johnson took to Facebook to offer a defense, writing, “I’m totally against anything that has to do with abuse, however there are no perfect people.”

Crim was not surprised by this, saying that both sexual abuse and anti-choice beliefs stem from an unwillingness to “believe that women’s bodies belong to the women.” Essentially, she said, right-wing men want to touch women “whenever they want, and they also want to tell them what kind of health care they can and can’t get access to.”

Johnson wasn’t just anti-abortion, which is par for the course in Republican politics. He was a radical anti-choice fanatic. He appears to have been closely working with Operation Save America, an extremist Christian organization that pushes what it calls the “doctrine of the lesser magistrates,” which holds that Christians shouldn’t obey laws that they believe conflict with God’s laws. It’s the same theory used to bolster the case of Kim Davis, the Kentucky clerk who refused to sign marriage licenses for same-sex couples. Now it is being used to argue that federal laws protecting abortion rights need not be respected.

In October, Johnson pre-filed a piece of planned legislation called the Abolition of Abortion Act, which would have criminalized abortion in Kentucky both for doctors and patients. The proposed bill explicitly instructed the state to enforce this ban “regardless of any contrary or conflicting state or federal laws, administrative regulations, executive orders, or judicial decisions.” It appears Johnson was trying to put this “lesser magistrate” notion into law.

In an emotional video released before Johnson committed suicide — but after the allegations of sexual misconduct had emerged — Rusty Thomas, the head of Operation Save America, blamed the “sexual revolution” for sexual harassment, saying, “God is lifting the skirt of our national whoredoms.”

Thomas went on to defend both Johnson and Roy Moore, saying that the “establishment will spend millions of dollars to dig up dirt” and that it has “successfully weaponized sex as a political weapon” to publicly shame those “seeking to stand for righteousness and for godliness in our nation.”

Thomas, it’s worth noting, spends his days organizing protests outside abortion clinics that are meant to publicly shame women seeking abortion. Johnson himself showed up at one of these protests and was photographed by clinic escorts.

In the video, Thomas calls Johnson “the congressman we have been working with to introduce a bill of abolitions.” This comports with what Rewire reporter Jenn Stanley discovered while working on her audio documentary “Marching Toward Gilead.” She called Johnson to ask him about his anti-abortion bill, and he had Joseph Spurgeon, a pastor who works with Operation Save America, call her back within seconds. 

“I didn’t tell Dan Johnson that this was a story about Operation Save America,” Stanley told Salon. “So Joseph Spurgeon must be a guy he sends out to talk to reporters.” Spurgeon and Thomas have also said they tried to call and text Johnson to prevent him from committing suicide, to no avail. 

(Full disclosure: My partner was an executive producer on Stanley’s documentary.)

Operation Save America was the group that spent decades harassing Dr. George Tiller, an abortion provider in Wichita, Kansas, until a regular clinic protester murdered him in 2009. When another clinic opened in the place of Tiller’s, Thomas declared, “OSA has some unfinished kingdom business in Wichita, Kansas. Tiller’s mill was reopened.”

But the main focus of Operation Save America has been the last remaining abortion clinic in Kentucky, which has been subject to the illegal clinic blockades that the groupused in the ’90s but abandoned for many years — until now. The group has been open about its desire to make Kentucky the home of the radical anti-abortion movement, especially now that it believes Donald Trump’s presidency has eased the path for more militant tactics.

The relationship between Johnson and Kentucky Gov. Matt Bevin also shines some light onto the political dynamics that are allowing Republicans to chip away at abortion access in red states. As Crim argued, people like Johnson “would have been fringe characters two years ago, five years ago, but now they’re getting elected to office.” 

Once in, legislators like Johnson embrace extreme and blatantly illegal positions, such as an effort to reclassify abortion as murder. This makes politicians like Bevin, whose strategy is to use ginned-up regulations to bury abortion clinics under red tape, look moderate by comparison. But in reality, as Crim put it, “The fringe has become the mainstream.”

There’s only one abortion clinic left in Kentucky, because Planned Parenthood was unable to get hospital transfer agreements required by a recently-passed (and medically unnecessary) law blatantly intended to shut down as many clinics as possible. Planned Parenthood says it has evidence showing that Bevin used defunding threats to prevent hospitals from helping Planned Parenthood follow the law.

There is also reason to believe that Bevin’s true sympathies lie with extremists like Dan Johnson and Operation Save America. In February, Bevin held a meeting with the leaders of Operation Save America, who say they gave him the book “Doctrine of the Lesser Magistrates” by Matt Trewhella, a pastor who has argued that murdering abortion doctors is justified. The group’s leaders further claimed Bevin had praised the book, even as he demurred on the question of signing legislation to classify abortion as murder.

(Bevin’s office and Operation Save America both failed to return Salon’s requests for comment.)

Stanley and Crim both told Salon that this entire situation highlights how easy it is for radicalized right-wingers to get power in state legislatures and start pushing a state’s politics to the right.

“Most people just have no idea who their state representatives are. People don’t go up to vote for that,” Stanley said. That makes the state legislature fertile ground for extremists to build a power base. “When you think about the things that really affect people’s personal lives,” she continued, “it’s the laws that are passed by these state legislators.”

Johnson’s death has certainly rattled the far-right fundamentalists who supported him, but it doesn’t seem to be slowing down their efforts to push their absolutist agenda through the Kentucky legislature. Even before Johnson’s death, his supporters were writing off the sexual abuse allegations as a politicized lie created by the “establishment” and largely ignoring the multitude of alarming claims about Johnson’s long history of fabrications. The day after Johnson’s death, his widow, Rebecca Johnson, announced plans to run for his legislative seat. “These high-tech lynchings based on lies and half-truths can’t be allowed to win the day,” she declared.

“People like to say it’s the last, dying gasp of previous generations,” Crim said of the rise of the far right in state legislatures. “And maybe it is the last gasp — but it’s a big gasp. It’s a very powerful breath they’re taking.”

 

 

 

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